Pinkster, Harm (1942-) [1990], Latin Syntax and Semantics [info], xii, 320 p.: ill.; 24 cm. [word count] [Pinkster].
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8.4.1 Adjectives `instead of' adverbs

Older studies devote a great deal of attention to the relationship between adjectives and adverbs (K.–St. I.234 ff.; Sz. 171 ff.). On the one hand, it is argued that in cases where in principle there is a choice between an adjective and an adverb the two forms differ slightly in meaning. An example of this approach is K.–St. I.235: `in such cases, the Latin construction is undoubtedly more lively, more energetic and more expressive, because the specific circumstances in which an action occurs are at the same time included in the character of the entity that performs the action, e.g. Socrates venenum laetus et libens hausit ("S. gladly and willingly drank the poison")'. [38] On the other hand, adjectives in the function Praedicativum and adverbs are said to occur `without any essential semantic difference' (K.–St. I.237). Below I will discuss the semantic relationship. First I will make some remarks about the distribution of adjectives and adverbs.

(i) The distribution of adjectives and adverbs

(a) For a number of adjectives there is no morphologically related adverbial

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counterpart, e.g. dirus (`horrifying'), discors (`discordant'), rudis (`rough'). [39]

(b) In post-Ciceronian poetry and prose there is a general tendency to use adjectives in the function Praedicativum instead of adverbs (see p. 149). Sometimes there are metrical reasons for doing so, as in (74):

(74) turbidus aeria Capaneus occurrit in hasta (`C. fiercely comes towards him, a towering spear in his hand', Stat. Theb. 7.669) [40]

The adverb turbide does not fit in this hexameter.

(c) Adjectives that may occur as Praedicativum are not found as Attribute, or at any rate less frequently as Attribute than as Subject Complement (Sz. 172); most of them indicate non-permanent properties; morphologically related adverbs occur less often or not at all.

(d) As was pointed out above, adjectives in the function Praedicativum agree with a constituent of the predication; an `impersonally' construed predicate does not, therefore, allow the occurrence of a Praedicativum, but an adverb is possible: [41]

(75) Romam inde frequenter migratum est (`From there people moved in large numbers to Rome', Liv. 1.11.4)

(76) conveniunt frequentes prima luce (`In large numbers they gather at drawn', Liv. 1.50.2)

(ii) Difference in meaning
A difference in meaning can be determined only if morphologically related adjectives and adverbs can both occur in the same sentence. Such a semantic difference can be seen clearly in the following examples:

(77) ut … prudens et sciens … ad interitum ruerem (`So that I consciously and knowingly brought ruin upon myself', Cic. Marc. 14) (K.–St. I.238 contrast this translation with prudenter et scienter `in a prudent and skilful manner')

(78) (Britanni) ex silvis rari propugnabant $ raro (`The Britons made sorties from the woods in small groups', Caes. Gal. 5.9.5)

(79) occulte tacitique … praestolari occipiunt $ occulti (`Secretly and in silence they begin to wait for … ', Sis. fr. 25)

Besides instances which clearly reflect a semantic difference between adjective and adverb, there are also instances (such as (79) above) of coordination or parallel construction of adjective and adverb; from these one might conclude that there is, on the other hand, a certain similarity in semantic function (see p. 30). Examples are (80) and (81) (see also K.–St. I.238):

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(80) dum alii trepidi [42] cedunt, alii segniter subeunt (`While one group retreated fearfully, and another advanced slowly', Liv. 27.12.15)

(81) quaeso ignoscas si quid stulte dixi atque imprudens tibi (`Please forgive me, if I have said something stupid or rash to you', Pl. Men. 1073)

The grammars often remark that it is also difficult to indicate the exact difference between id libens feci (`I was glad to do this') and id libenter feci (`I have gladly done this') and between (82) and (83):

(82) libentes cupidique condicionem acceperunt [43] (`They were glad and eager to accept the conditions', B. Afr. 90.2)

(83) cupide accipiat faxo (`I will make sure that he accepts eagerly', Ter. Ad. 209)

The tendency to equate the adjective in the function Praedicativum in cases of this kind with an adverb in the function (Manner) Adjunct is perhaps connected with the fact that the instances adduced are limited to cases in which a Praedicativum agrees with a Subject consisting of a human being and to those adjectives that can indicate a property both of human beings and of states of affairs. An instance in which a Praedicativum agrees with a non-Subject argument (e.g. caecos in example (13) on p. 144) would not equally readily be called an instance of an adjective instead of an adverb.

Conclusion: sometimes it does not matter very much whether in performing a certain action a person is attributed a certain property (e.g. that of being cupidus) or the action performed by that person is specified (e.g. as being performed cupide); this also explains the instances of coordination mentioned above. This is not to say that the two ways of representing reality are synonymous. Further research, e.g. as to the addibility of certain particles, might be able to demonstrate this. [44]

We have already seen above (p. 149) that especially in poetry and poeticizing prose the number of categories of adjectives occurring in the function Praedicativum increases, at the expense of adverbial expressions. One might call this a poetical `transformation', replacing Adjuncts with Praedicativa. We also find instances in which adjectives occur as Praedicativum instead of what would `normally' be expressed as a Disjunct. An example is (84):

(84) numquam potuisti mihi magis opportunus adven <ire quam & advenis (`You could not have come at a more opportune moment', Pl. Mos. 573–4) [45]

On the one hand, grammars consider adverbs and adjectives in the function Praedicativum as practically synonymous Manner expressions. On the other, it is pointed out, e.g. in K.–St. I.239, that `normal' adjectives that indicate a physical or mental state sometimes have to be interpreted in a particular way, as more or less equivalent to an adverbial clause. Examples of Praedicativa

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that are to be interpreted as more or less equivalent to a temporal and a causal clause, respectively, are:

(85) nec enim cuiquam bono mali quicquam evenire potest, nec vivo nec mortuo (`For no good man can fall victim to any evil, either alive or dead', Cic. Tusc. 1.99)

(86) huius coniugii cupidus Callias quidam … egit cum Cimone … (`Because he wanted to marry her, a certain C. addressed himself to C.', Nep. Cim. 1.3)

In the following section, on participles, we will again encounter interpretations of this kind. [46]

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Pinkster, Harm (1942-) [1990], Latin Syntax and Semantics [info], xii, 320 p.: ill.; 24 cm. [word count] [Pinkster].
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