Pinkster, Harm (1942-) [1990], Latin Syntax and Semantics [info], xii, 320 p.: ill.; 24 cm. [word count] [Pinkster].
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8.3. The Praedicativum as `embedded predication' 8.3.1 Possible paraphrase with esse + Subject Complement, casu quo finite verb forms

Praedicativa can often be paraphrased with a construction of esse + Subject Complement; e.g. (2a):

(2a) Cicero consul coniurationem Catilinae detexit (`Cicero discovered the conspiracy of Catiline. At that time he was consul')

A Praedicativum consisting of a present participle may be paraphrased with a finite verb form; e.g. (3a):

(3a) rura colentes ab equitatu oppressi sunt (`They were attacked by the cavalry. At that time they were working the land')

Praedicativa consisting of preposition phrases ( crosssection 8.1.6) and noun phrases in the ablative ( crosssection 8.1.7) can also be paraphrased with esse, as appears from the occurrence of such constituents as Subject Complement. Examples of preposition phrases [17] and ablative of description [18] are (43)–(44) and (45)–(46), respectively:

(43) quod confessus esset se cum telo fuisse (`Because he had confessed that he was armed', Cic. Att. 2.24.3)

(44) sine metu, sine cura omnes erant (`All were without fear and without worries', Cic. Ver. 2.70)

(45) (Britanni) capilloque sunt promisso (`The Britons have long hair', Caes. Gal. 5.14.3)

(46) (Hannibalis) nomen erat magna apud omnes gloria (`The name of H. was very famous among all people', Cic. de Orat. 2.75)

I now discuss a number of problems with regard to adjectives and participles.

(a) Adjectives

Not all adjectives can be paraphrased with esse. [19] For the most part, the quantifying adjectives mentioned as group (a) in crosssection 8.1.2 do not occur as Subject Complement. Thus, (47) is not an adequate paraphrase of example (8) on p. 144:

(47) ut scire possemus nihil habuisse quod diceret; * omnes eramus

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In itself, this deviant behaviour of quantifying adjectives need not be surprising; it manifests itself in other ways as well ( crosssection 6.4 on p. 86; crosssection 10.2.1.4 on p. 203). Also the pronouns occurring as Praedicativum cannot easily be regarded as embedded predications, not surprisingly, in view of the fact that they, too, exhibit deviant behaviour also in other ways.

A greater problem is presented by certain lexemes that seem to form part of group (c) (mental or physical state), but do not occur as Subject Complement, e.g. invitus (`against one's will') and libens (`willing'): [20]

(48) quod invitus ac necessario facio (`Which I do unwillingly and out of necessity', Cic. S. Rosc. 123) $ quod facio; * invitus sum

Furthermore, many compound lexemes with the negative prefix in- do not occur as Subject Complement, e.g. insepultus (`not buried'), insciens (`not knowing'). Diversus (group (d)), said of people, in its literal, local sense, is not found either. Example (49), therefore, would not be a correct paraphrase of (16) on p. 144:

(49) pugnabant; * diversi erant

The phenomenon that not all adjectives can occur both as Subject Complement and as Attribute has received considerable attention in modern linguistics. Quirk et al. (1985: 428 ff.) point out that in English adjectives such as faint and ill predominantly or exclusively occur as Subject Complement, other adjectives (e.g. hungry, sick) both as Subject Complement and as Attribute, whereas adjectives of various semantic classes cannot occur as Table 8.1
+ Attribute- Attribute
+ Subj. Compl.tristis miser? EXSORS ?INDEMNIS (classification difficult owing to low frequency)
- Subj. Compl.diversus (local) assiduus arboreus AETERNUSinvitus (not of persons) libens (from Gellius onwards used attributively of persons)

Subject Complement. [21] This applies also to Latin, as exemplified in table 8.1. The italicized lexemes also occur as Praedicativum in Classical prose. The capitalized lexemes occur in this way in Augustan and later prose and/or in poetry. In the `Classical' Latin of Cicero and Caesar we find as Praedicativum especially adjectives from the left top section; under the influence of poetry the

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number of adjectives from the left bottom section increases strongly. [22] Some remarkable instances are:

(50) quibus ibat in armis aureus (`In what armour he rode, the golden Turnus', Verg. A. 9.269)

(51) sollemnis … dies … crastinus advenit (`The holiday is tomorrow', Apul. Met. 2.31)

(52) nec gregibus nocturnus obambulat (`At night he prowls about the herds', Verg. G. 3.538)

(53) Aeneas se matutinus agebat (`Early in the morning A. was up and about', Verg. A. 8.465)

(54) navus mane forum et vespertinus pete tectum (`Go diligently to the forum early in the morning and go home in the evening', Hor. Ep. 1.6.20) [23]

This phenomenon fits in with a general preference in poetry to use adjectives rather than adverbs, i.e. to specify persons (and things) rather than actions. Intuitively, in instances such as (51)–(54) it is not very attractive to say that the adjectives predicate a property or state of the referent of the Subject argument. The adjectives rather indicate the moment at which the state of affairs obtains. This intuition correlates with the non-occurrence of these adjectives in the copula + Subject Complement construction. I return to the semantic function of such Praedicativa in crosssection 8.4. on p. 154.

The `adjectives' in the bottom right section constitute a separate problem. They are called `adjectives' on morpho-syntactic grounds (agreement) and because they are not closely related semantically to a verbal lexeme. From a syntactic point of view they should rather be regarded as a kind of participle (for participles as a rule do not occur as Subject Complement and rarely as Attribute either). [24]

(b) Participles (+ gerundive)

Praedicativa consisting of a present participle cannot easily be paraphrased with a copula + Subject Complement construction, on account of the limited use of copula + participle, as was already pointed out above. This does not, however, apply to the perfect participle of terminative (resultative) verbs:

(55) laudationem Porciae tibi misi correctam (`I have sent you the corrected version of the funeral speech for P.', Cic. Att. 13.48.2)

In such cases the participle indicates the state resulting from the state of affairs corrigere (for examples see Laughton 1964: 9–10); in the paraphrase laudatio correcta est the distinction between the copula and the auxiliary esse is not clear (see chapter 1, note 4).

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The use of participles as Praedicativum strongly increases in the course of time and the constructions become ever more complex (at any rate in literary Latin); there are no restrictions on the meaning of the predicates which may occur as Praedicativum, but there are, especially in Cicero and earlier, classes of verbs which predominate statistically. [25]

(i) Present participle

As has already been pointed out, in principle every verbal lexeme in the form of a present participle can occur as Praedicativum. A lexical group that is rather frequent in Cicero (about one-third of all instances) concerns physical and mental activity and state, e.g. flens (`crying'), lacrimans (`weeping'), maerens (`mourning'), expectans (`full of expectation'), and the like: 25a


(56) rex … in foro, inquam, Syracusis flens ac deos hominesque contestans clamare coepit (`In Syracuse, I say, on the forum, the King began to shout, crying and calling upon men and gods as witnesses', Cic. Ver. 4.67)

(56a) [added 12-08: at Homerus … Laertem … colentem agrum … facit (`But Homer represents Laertes as cultivating his land', Cic. Sen. 54) 25b]

(ii) Perfect participle

Praedicativa formed by a perfect participle in Cicero predominantly express the motive, the urge, the mental state or a possible obstacle in realizing the state of affairs of the main predication, e.g. hoc commoti dolore (`moved by this sadness'), benignitate aut ambitione adductus (`induced to do so by beneficence or ambition'), metu coacti (`forced by fear'), voluptate victi (`conquered by desire'):

(57) genus hominum … non prudentium consiliis compulsum potius quam disertorum oratione delenitum se oppidis moenibusque saepsisse (`Mankind surrounded itself with cities and walls, not so much adduced to do so by the advice of wise men as by the speeches of eloquent men', Cic. de Orat. 1.36)

The resultative verbs have already been mentioned above.

(iii) Future participle

There are no restrictions on the types of lexeme that may occur as Praedicativum. The future participle does not often occur as Praedicativum. The first unequivocal instance is:

(22) P. Servilius adest … de te sententiam laturus (`P.S. is here to pass judgment on you', Cic. Ver. 1.56) [26]

(iv) Gerundive

On p. 79 I have shown that the perfect participle and the gerundive are in opposition as `factive' and `non-factive', respectively. The same opposition manifests itself in the case of the use of the two forms as Praedicativum.

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Examples of the gerundive as Praedicativum are (23)–(24) on p. 145, and (58)–(59):

(58) cum enim Brutus alteri … Crassi orationem legendam dedisset (`For, when B. had given one of them a speech of C. to read', Cic. de Orat. 2.223)

(59) aedem … habuit tuendam (`He had a house to watch', Cic. Ver. 1.130) [27]

8.3.2 Negation of the Praedicativum

The independently predicating nature of the Praedicativum appears from the fact that the Praedicativum can be negated. [28] For Latin it is difficult formally to determine this, since the word order is relatively free and a negation can often be interpreted as belonging to the (main) predication. Unequivocal instances of negated Praedicativa are examples (56) above and (60)–(63):

(60) non ego caede nocens in Ponti litora veni (`It is not true that I have come to the shores of Pontus guilty of murder', Ov. Pont. 2.9.67)

(61) non ignara mali miseris succurrere disco (`My excellent knowledge of evil teaches me to help the unhappy', Verg. A. 1.630)

(62) quem tamen haud expers Valerus virtutis avitae deicit (`Yet, V., in full possession of the courage of his ancestors, threw him down', Verg. A. 10.752–3)

(63) non hercule mihi nisi admonito venisset in mentem (`If I had not been reminded, I would never have thought of it', Cic. de Orat. 2.180)

8.3.3 The temporal reference of the Praedicativum

In the paraphrases of examples (2) and (3) at the beginning of crosssection 8.3.1. (p. 148) I have included the words `at that time' in order to indicate that Praedicativa involve embedded predications which have the same temporal reference as the state of affairs referred to by the main predicate and its arguments: Cicero was consul at the moment when he discovered the conspiracy. [29] Participles in the function Praedicativum involve an action or state which is anterior, simultaneous or posterior with regard to the moment in time referred to by the main predication. [30] As a rule, Praedicativa – leaving aside pronouns and quantifying adjectives – express a temporary, non-permanent property, state or action; cf. the English example:

(64) He left the bottle empty in the refrigerator

From (64) it is clear that earlier the bottle had been full. [31] The adjectives in Cicero, too, as a rule indicate a temporary property. Also lexemes that indicate a permanent property, however, can occur as Praedicativum. In such cases we

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interpret the property as relevant only for the duration of the state of affairs of the main predication; e.g. (65):

(65) (Cerberus) toto … ingens extenditur antro (`C. stretches his bulk all over the den', Verg. A. 6.423)

One may assume that Cerberus is always ingens, but here Virgil may want to call attention to the very impression created by his size with regard to the den. See also:

(66) Tiberinus … multa flavus harena in mare prorumpit (`The Tiber, yellow with plenteous sand, leaps forth into the sea', Verg. A. 7.30–2)

(67) Romam vos expugnaturos, si quis duceret, fortes lingua iactabatis (`You maintained, courageous with your tongues, that you were going to conquer Rome, if someone were to lead you', Liv. 23.45.9)

It is not clear whether the Tiber is always flavus or only when it flows into the sea. In (67) fortes lingua may mean that the Addressees always brag.

There are some exceptions to the description given in the preceding paragraph. Praedicativa containing adjectives belonging to the group described on p. 150 (matutinus and the like) do not have the same temporal reference as the main predication. Furthermore, there is the so-called `proleptic' use of participles and adjectives as exemplified in (68) and (69) (for further examples see K.–St. I.239–40):

(68) incute vim ventis submersasque obrue puppes aut age diversos (`Fill the sails with wind and sink the ships or scatter them', Verg. A. 1.69–70)

(69) tum sterilis exurere Sirius agros (`Then the fields were made infertile by the scorching heat of Sirius', Verg. A. 3.141)

In instances of this type the temporal reference of the Praedicativum is posterior to that of the main predication. [32]

This phenomenon is productive in English with verbs that imply a change of the Object and with `contact' verbs, e.g. he painted the door green and he rubbed his hands dry. In Latin this phenomenon is productive with agere. [33] See, apart from (68), also (70):

(70) agunt eum praecipitem poenae civium Romanorum (`The penalties he has inflicted on Roman citizens drive him mad', Cic. Ver. 1.7)

A comparable instance is (71):

(71) ipsum pronum sterne solo (`Hurl him prone to earth', Verg. A. 11.484–5)

8.3.4 The internal structure of Praedicativa

Predicates functioning as Praedicativum are accompanied by arguments (as many as required by their valency) [34] and sometimes also satellites. This is very

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often the case with participles, especially in literary language. Examples of an argument constituent are deos hominesque in (55) and consiliis in (56) above, and an example of a satellite is Romam in note 30. For an argument with an adjective see mali in (61) and virtutis avitae in (62); for a satellite (?) see multa harena in (66) and lingua in (67).

We also find instances of a Praedicativum within a Praedicativum. An example is:

(72) Q. Fabium … Tuscus incautum inter multas versantem hostium manus gladio … transfigit (`An Etruscan killed Q.F. with a sword while he was so imprudent as to stay in the midst of large groups of enemies', Liv. 2.46.4) [35]

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Pinkster, Harm (1942-) [1990], Latin Syntax and Semantics [info], xii, 320 p.: ill.; 24 cm. [word count] [Pinkster].
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