Pinkster, Harm (1942-) [1990], Latin Syntax and Semantics [info], xii, 320 p.: ill.; 24 cm. [word count] [Pinkster].
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11.3.4 Historic infinitive

The historic infinitive is used in narrative texts or passages, predominantly in predications where an imperfect could have been used. Like the imperfect, the historic infinitive is often used with non-terminative (non-momentaneous) states of affairs. This is, however, not always the case (Sz. 367). See (77) and (78), where we see a difference between the imperfect and the historic infinitive:

(77) venit Chremes postridie ad me clamitans: indignum facinĂș; comperisse Pamphilum pro uxore habere hanc peregrinam. ego illud sedulo negare factum. ille instat factum. denique ita tum discedo ab illo, ut … (`The next day comes Chremes full of complaint: a shocking affair! He had found out that Pamphilus regarded this foreign person as his wife. I zealously denied it, he insisted it was so. Finally we parted in a manner …', Ter. An. 144–8)

(78) Romanus promissa consulis … expectabat, cum Appius … ius …dicere (`The Romans were looking for the help which the consuls had promised, when Appius began to pronounce judgment …', Liv. 2.27.1)

In (77) no difference can be discerned between negare and the following present instat. In (78) the clause with the infinitive constitutes the incident that occurs within the framework of the situation created by the imperfect expectabat. We also find the historic infinitive after expressions that are typically associated with the perfect, such as tum vero, hinc (`subsequently'), etc. [38]

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Pinkster, Harm (1942-) [1990], Latin Syntax and Semantics [info], xii, 320 p.: ill.; 24 cm. [word count] [Pinkster].
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